Acceptance of Thai Women's Political Role - Research Proposal Example

Scale Construction: Acceptance of Thai Women’s Political Role Theoretical Concept Under the Constitution, every person is given an equal right to enjoy the privileges that come with their human existence. Basically, such equality means not only equality before the law (legal equality), but also equality of opportunity to seek the perfection of one’s self, and to achieve self-fulfillment. Equality also means liberty or freedom in terms of an absence of restraint imposed by the state. This idea developed from the liberal democracy and laissez-faire reactions against the feudal system which flourished in Europe from the 9th century to the 15th century. Similar reactions against mercantilism and the absolutism of “divine right” kings from the 15th and 18th century reinforced the need for equal human rights. In politics, equality came to mean the right to life, to freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom from arbitrary arrest, protection by due process, and other civil and political rights. But it cannot be denied that the despite the supposedly guaranteed equal protection under the law and the equality of all human beings, women are still regarded inferior compared to men—specifically in the political arena. In earlier days, women were not allowed to participate in many undertakings of political activities in society. They were not allowed to practice their right to suffrage (the right to vote in elections), and they were not allowed to actually participate in governmental activity, to point of being prohibited from running for public office. This kind of situation is apparent in Asian countries, and more particularly in Thailand. It can be seen that Thai women are not being given the full extent of freedom as guaranteed by the law, but rather they are being limited and oppressed in terms of practicing their political rights and privileges. However, in other areas of their lives and professions, they are being allowed to practice in its fullness. They are regarded as important in certain areas and aspects of Thailand’s activities, such as education. Research Objectives This study aims to examine the extent and the degree of acceptance of the political role of women in Thailand. In this regard, this study aims specifically to: 1. Understand the different roles of women in Thailand. 2. Examine the different rights which are granted to Thai women. 3. Determine whether or not Thai women have equal rights as those of men. 4. Understand the role being played by Thai women in the political arena. 5. Determine whether Thai women have only limited access to political activities. 6. Examine the factors that are limiting women’s access to political activities. 7. Determine whether or not Thai women have any influence in the political activities of Thailand. 8. Understand the extent of the influence which Thai women have in politics. Usefulness of the Study This study is beneficial to the society of Thailand—and other nations as well—because it provides an eye-opener for people to see that even if women are not as physically strong as men, they can still do great things for the advancement of society. They can assist the development and improvement of society if they are able to participate in political activities. Also, this paper could serve as an aid for those nations that still treat women traditionally, by making them feel inferior or by keeping them at home to baby-sit and attend to the needs of the family. This paper will reveal the things that women can do aside from washing the dishes and doing household chores. It will thus provide a guide as to how society can make use of the talents and knowledge of women in politics, and how to guard their rights and privileges. Literature Review Thailand’s government has long appreciated the role of Thai women in society. Then again, it can be seen that the role of women is limited only to their role as educators and professionals, and does not extend to the political arena. Although it can be seen that the government is trying to acknowledge the role of Thai women, as well as their rights and privileges in society, it cannot be denied that they are rather confided inside educational institutions. Nonetheless, as compared with men, the rate of illiteracy is higher among women. This only proves that men in Thai society are being more favored than women, who are considered as inferior beings in society. Even in the educational realm, men are more educated, which enables them to gain control and superiority over women. Still, it has been apparent that women who are able to gain and attain high educational qualifications are able to soar high in all of the professions that they are engaged with. Women in Thailand are being acknowledged as an important part of the society, as they have been included in work with nation building. By reason of the relatively fragile physical structure and maternal functions of women, the Constitution gives special consideration and concern to women, and expressly mandates that the State protect them (Tomosugi, 1980). In this regard, it cannot be denied that facilities and opportunities which enhance the welfare and well-being of women, enabling them to realize their full potential in the service of the nation, are necessary. A law may validly grant certain privileges to women without violating any constitutional rights and guarantees. There must be no discrimination, because the difference in treatment is relevant to the purpose of such law, and is based on the material or substantial differences between the sexes. It can be seen that despite certain differences between Thai women and men, there should be no discrimination, and both sexes must be treated right and fairly. In addition, it is evident that in recent years, women have already been allowed to run as candidates for public office. The number of women candidates is rapidly increasing with every election. With this fact, it can be seen that not only are women allowed to practice suffrage, but indeed they are being given an elevated privilege to run for public office, which is dominated by men in Thai society. This proves that women are able to influence the political arena, because without such trust in women they would not be allowed to run for public office—which requires great knowledge and wisdom. In this regard, it cannot be denied that there is a need for people to understand that women are actually an important aspect of society. Vichit-Vadakan (1994) argues that in Thai society, woman- and family-related issues fall outside the direct domain of law. The family as a subsistence unit has been challenged by opportunities for wage labor in cities and towns. These opportunities, which have dispersed the family unit and eroded the authority of parents, have been particularly advantageous for women, who are seen as good workers, obedient and undemanding. Yet the power of the family as a psychological unit in Thailand has not altered. Likewise, although women have made gains in the market and the workplace, the possibility of achieving greater parity with men is hindered by the continued psychological force of the traditional “beauty culture”, women’s historical place as appendages to men, the cultural devaluation of manual work, and the religious definition of women as polluting. While the law is not irrelevant to these issues, they are neither determined by law, nor are they likely to be altered by legal change. Vichit-Vadakan’s work provides a good background and context as to how Thai women view their roles in general society. It establishes the different aspects of personal, religious, cultural, and economic differentiations that characterize Thai women. Kapur (1998) presents a little book which reviews the historical context of Thai women’s place in traditional society, compared with their status in the modern world. It outlines the impact of Thai Buddhism in defining the Thai woman’s characteristics and roles, including her personal beliefs, doctrines, ethics, morality, and wealth, among others. Most importantly, Kapur’s work delineates theories about the nature of Thai Society. The book develops two major themes. The first theme attempts to understand the sources of value orientation of the Thai people, and their individual and group behavior. It examines three major value systems and their institutions, as well as their mutual relationships and interaction. By studying these value systems, the author has successfully contextualized the norms and principles that have shaped Thai women’s orientation, thinking and actions, with regard to how they perceive their occupations and other significant roles amidst the changes in their society. Kapur’s most important contribution is in its study of the Thai value system, wherein the author has inferred various theories which attempt to explain the psycho-cultural values and attitudes of the Thai people, how these interact with Buddhism and animism, and how they add another dimension to the already complex pattern of social behavior. As it is, these value systems interact and define the parameters within which all aspects of the national life—political, cultural, economic and others—are actualized. The second major theme of Kapur’s book concentrates on the position of women in Thailand. It begins with an explanation of the attitudes which the Buddha himself held towards women, and examines the status of women in early Buddhist societies. It similarly examines the status of those women who chose to renounce the world and join the Buddhist order to seek personal salvation, as well as the role of lay women in Buddhist society at that time. The book then focuses on the position of women in Thai society through various stages of its history, and culminates in the discussion of the legal position of women today and the attempts to improve their status. As a descriptive study, the author moves from this background to shed more light on how these norms and values can be patterned in Thai’s new and rapidly changing environment. Further review of the literature indicated that women occupied only 9.2 percent of the seats in the lower house of the Thai parliament, a figure much lower than the Asian average of 14%. Though the percentage of women in the lower house of the parliament increased to 10.6% in the 2005 general elections, it still remains lower than the Asian average of 14%. And out of the 200 seats in the Senate, women are found to occupy on 20 seats, which is only 10% of the total strength. The representation of women in rural areas is even lower, with women legislators being completely absent from provincial assemblies. An interesting finding is the surprising existence of a number of male legislators who support the cause of women’s representation, and who actually proceed and form alliances with women politicians to promote their interests. Concerning the educational qualifications of women politicians, there is no significant difference between men and women. The parliament rules that each candidate must have at least a bachelor’s degree. But when the data is compared with the data of the previous elections of 1996, we can see that representatives with master’s degrees have increased substantially, by close to 24%, and from 17% to 41% percent in the House of Representatives. The party-list indicated roughly the same trend, with 43% of the deputies having a master’s degree and 17% with a Ph.D. Moving on to the socio-economic background of the women, we find that women in the Thai parliament tend to come from middle or upper class families, with strong links to political families. They enter politics through social or community service related work. Concept : Acceptance of women in political roles in Thailand This paper deals with the topic of female representation in Thailand’s parliament. In Thailand the realm of politics has always been a male-dominated function, although Thailand was among the first of the Asian countries to liberate the cause of women. It gave women the right to vote after almost seventy-five years of slow progress in gender politics. Even today, the total representation of women in Thailand still remains only a small percentage when compared to men. Compared to men, women have not been visible in governance and politics. Considering the above, there is actually very little information and analysis available on the participation and role of women at the government agency level. From the year 1997 onwards, however, due to the ushering in of the new Thai democracy and the new constitution, many changes have taken place in civil society. Interest in the role of women has also grown. The acceptance of Thai women into the political arena has to deal with certain objectives. The first is the position of Thai women in the parliament of Thailand; examining this issue will enable us to analyze the political representation of Thai women. We will also analyze the appropriateness of certain theories developed in the Western world for the case of Thailand, and see whether such theories are effective in this context. Lastly, we will analyze the entry barriers for Thai women into the national parliament; this aspect will be completely broken down and studied to see if an analogy can be dawn with reference to similar scenarios in the Western world. Since women are not properly included in the political scenario of Thailand, the interests of the female gender are under-represented, and women’s skills and talents are not being utilized to the fullest extent for the benefit of the nation. To analyze the political scenario of Thailand, we must look at the constitution of 1997, which made Thailand a relatively stable and democratic country. The usual and age-old tradition of men dominating politics is being slowly transformed to accommodate women, and is hence also becoming more transparent. The economic development of Thailand has also contributed to the country’s progress, as it is moving from an agricultural economy to a more industrialized economy. A significant point, however, is that even though the constitution has been reformed, the male dominance and female subordination of the past has been carried over into the present scenario. So a critical barrier to the proper representation of women has continued; nonetheless, this challenge could be surmounted in the future, given the economic and political progress being shown by Thailand. Sub-concept: Hindrances and support for female Thai politicians Female politicians form a very small minority in Thailand, and hence it may not be possible to bring about significant changes in preferences and priorities in the current context. Unless the number of women reaches a significant number or a critical mass, the power to make changes will remain out of reach for Thai women. When we examine this fact, we need to ask certain probing questions to find the reason for this situation. The reasons behind the low representation of women in parliament should be examined, with the aim of identifying the major barriers that Thai women face when they attempt to enter politics. The concept of this research is broken down into four segments or sub-concepts, covering various dimensions of life as experienced by Thai female politicians. The four segments or sub-concepts are: demographical variables; purpose and reason (that is, personal motivations); social acceptance; and political scenario. There are 22 questionnaire items in total, and the questionnaire requires participants to select responses which have numerical values attached to them. Details of the questionnaire are presented in the following sections of this paper. Conceptual definition of the research problem This study aims to examine the role of Thai women in the political arena of Thailand. Conceptually, the research problem may be stated as follows: There is an under-representation of female Thai politicians, and this under-representation has been brought about by specific cultural, social, economic and historical factors. What are some of these factors underlying the scenario in Thailand? Thus the variable of interest in the current study is the degree and types of hindrance or support which Thai women encounter in political life. Operational definition The variable of interest in the current research concerns the degree of support or hindrance for Thai female politicians. This variable is operationalized as follows: To what extent does a Thai woman encounter cultural, social, historical or economic barriers when she tries to enter the political arena of Thailand? An attempt will be made to quantify these hindrances and supports according to three dimensions, namely personal motivations, social support or acceptance, and general political climate. Once the variables have been quantified, comparisons can be drawn between them. This would allow us to conclude which of these factors are most or least problematic for women. A quantitative methodology is employed, with some additional collection of demographic information. In contrast, a qualitative methodology would have been more useful for enabling face-to-face discussion with research participants and allowing for a thorough probing of specific areas of interest. However, under the circumstances it is necessary to get an overview of broad social trends, rather than in-depth subjective accounts of individual respondents. Thus a qualitative methodology was chosen (Rosenthal and Rosnow, 1991). In operationalizing variables of a social, cultural, historical and economic nature, one relies on measurement scales which can never be entirely objective or scientific, since participants will still be giving answers based on their subjective impressions (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991). However, such scales do allow for data analysis across reasonably large groups of people. This is important in establishing social trends and understanding why entire groups of people may be experiencing a similar thing. In the current study, the operationalization of the social, cultural, economic and historical variables takes place through the use of a questionnaire. This questionnaire asks questions which are designed to probe each area of concern in turn. The demographic variables of interest in this study include women’s academic or educational backgrounds and the length of time they have been involved in politics. This information (from Segment A of the questionnaire) can be categorized into discrete variables and treated as a nominal scale, separate from the remainder of the questionnaire, which provides an ordinal scale. An ordinal scale is one in which the mathematical values assigned to item responses possess only magnitude (size) or rank-order, but there is no absolute zero point to the scale, nor are there mathematically equal distances between the responses (McCall, 1990; Kerlinger, 1986). However, the structure of the scale used here is that of the Likert type, and Likert scales are usually treated as interval scales in the social sciences. The reason for this is that such scales provide the closest possible approximation of mathematical accuracy regarding phenomena that are inherently subjective (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991; FAO website). An interval scale (or the assumption thereof) is necessary when performing the kinds of statistical analysis found in the current research, such as comparison of means (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991). An interval scale subsumes ordinal scales, which merely rank or order the data. Thus an interval scale is mathematically superior to an ordinal one, and can be used in more advanced analyses. It is not possible to design a ratio scale for this type of research; ratio scales include an absolute zero point and can thus only be used for concrete phenomena such as weight or distance (ibid). The Questionnaire With regard to the data collection and questionnaire, we can assume that very little is known about the various inhibiting factors that affect the progress of women in the parliament or politics at a national or regional level in Thailand. The policies and its output may or may not be a consequence of the participation of women, and if possible this point should be accounted for in the design of the questionnaire. To ascertain and evaluate the various hindrances faced by women during their tenure in public office, or when they tried to enter politics, women in both houses of the Thai parliament (namely the Senate and the House of Representatives) should participate in the current research. Another group of candidates would be those women who ran unsuccessfully for the parliament seats in the Senate and the House of Representatives. Their experiences are important to reflect when trying to measure the broader experiences of women in Thai politics. As a preliminary exercise, data was collected on the various legislative agendas of female members of the House of Representatives in the Thai parliament. Data was similarly collected for several legislative sessions beginning from the advent of the government led by Thaksin Shinawatra, the leader of the Thai Rak Thai party, in order to examine their policy priorities. From the data collected it was quite easy to see that the proportion of women was extremely small, and the number of bills generated by Thai women was also relatively small. Questionnaire items The questionnaire was designed to collect information about the background and the political representation and rights of Thai women in both houses of the parliament. The questionnaire deals with issues related to the roles, knowledge, rights, access and factors that are viewed by Thai women as part of the political arena. The various hindrances and supports that may affect women when entering politics were also covered. The questionnaire items are given below; some items need to be reverse scored. Apart from the first segment, which taps demographic information, the items take the form of a Likert scale, in which the subject rates her opinion on a scale from 1 to 5, or from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree” (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991). The questionnaire is divided into segments according to which dimension is being tapped. A. Personal Segment (demographical information) 1. The designation of the candidate, and her educational or academic background. (Names may be requested if ethical clearance is passed for this.) 2. The number of years of her experience in politics, and her chronological age. 3. The geographical region/s in Thailand where she was elected or originated from. B. Purpose and Reason Segment Item number Item wording strongly agree agree neither disagree strongly disagree 4 My decision to work in politics was motivated by personal reasons 1 2 3 4 5 5 My decision to work in politics was motivated by environmental reasons 1 2 3 4 5 6 The political and social scenarios in my geographical area at the time when I joined politics were the key reasons for my doing so. 1 2 3 4 5 7 I feel/felt highly motivated to join politics and to serve my country. 1 2 3 4 5 8 Women are far more involved in politics these days, under the new constitution 1 2 3 4 5 9 I believe that when a Thai woman decides not to pursue a political career, her reasons are personal rather than cultural, social or economic. 1 2 3 4 5 C. Social Acceptance Level Segment Item number Item wording strongly agree agree neither disagree strongly disagree 10 I received a lot of support from my family and friends when I decided to enter politics. 1 2 3 4 5 11 My family and friends discussed their feelings and opinions with me concerning my decision to work in politics. 1 2 3 4 5 12 I received a lot of support from the general community when I decided to enter politics. 1 2 3 4 5 13 I have not encountered many cultural obstacles when entering politics or joining the parliament. 1 2 3 4 5 14 I have had a lot of support from other women regarding my political career. 1 2 3 4 5 15 I have not encountered any problematic attitudes amongst my male counterparts in parliament with regards to my work and ethics. 1 2 3 4 5 16 I find that my male colleagues accept the degree of power which I have at work, and the role which I perform. 1 2 3 4 5 17 I believe that there are cultural and social factors which limit the access of Thai women to political activities and influence. 1 2 3 4 5 D. Political Scenario Segment Item number Item wording strongly agree agree neither disagree strongly disagree 18 Women are more involved in regional than national politics. 1 2 3 4 5 19 Thai women currently play a suitable and adequate role in parliament. 1 2 3 4 5 20 The rights being granted to the average Thai woman politician are suitable and adequate. 1 2 3 4 5 21 A Thai woman has good access to political activities and opportunities. 1 2 3 4 5 22 Thai women exert a sufficient amount of influence on the political activities of the nation. 1 2 3 4 5 23 I believe that there are economic factors which limit the access of Thai women to political activities and influence 1 2 3 4 5 Pilot Study A pilot study was conducted with a seven female Thai participants to test the questionnaire items, and the same participants were included in a panel discussion to determine whether the items were appropriate. There was some speculation as to whether items 15 and 16 tapped different or identical factors; both dealt with the influence of male colleagues, and it was decided to retain both items for the final questionnaire. Items 12 and 13 were found to be too similar, and item 13 was deleted while item 12 was retained. The reason for deleting item 13 (rather than item 12) was that the use of the word “cultural” was felt to be too vague, whereas the word “community” was easier to understand. Data collection Fifty female Thai politicians agreed to take part in the survey, and were given the questionnaire to complete in their own time. When all completed questionnaires had been collected, the demographical information was summarized. The average age of the respondents was reported, as well as their educational backgrounds, and the average number of years in which they had been active in politics. The designations or rankings of the respondents were also summarized, and the areas of Thai politics which had the greatest and least female representation were identified. A simple examination was carried out to determine whether most of the respondents were at a high, medium or low level in the political field. Item analysis All statistical analysis was carried out on the SPSS computer program. Descriptive statistics or numerical summaries of the data were reported for each item, namely the mean score per item, as well as the mean scores for each segment. Standard deviations were also calculated in each case. Total scores for each participant were calculated per segment as well as for the entire questionnaire, and an overall group mean score was calculated for each segment as well as the entire questionnaire. Percentages of respondents selecting various answers were also calculated, to determine the most and least problematic areas in terms of their percpetions about their political careers. The T-test was used to see if there was any statistically significant difference between any of the mean scores, so as to identify emerging patterns in the data. The F-test was used to perform an analysis of variance (ANOVA) to “determine the probability that the means of several groups of scores deviate from one another merely by sampling error” (McCall, 1990, p. 245). The reliability of items was tested by examining internal consistency, or the extent to which item scores corresponded with each other (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991). Cronbach’s alpha was calculated as the reliability coefficient in this case (ibid.). Good reliability is indicated when the scores for items in a single segment correlate strongly with each other, since those items are supposed to be measuring the same dimension. In contrast, scores from items in, for example, the second versus third segments should not correlate highly, since these two segments purport to measure different dimensions. If there is good internal consistency (reliability), then it means that fluctuations in the scores are due to personal differences rather than random influences or measurement errors (ibid.). Test-retest reliability was not assessed in the current study, since the research design was a one-shot survey or single cross-sectional study. Analysis and Results from the survey Although the sample of 50 was too small to conduct advanced analyses (such as factor analysis), examination of the results thus far indicate that the scale is methodologically sound. Items in each segment (B, C and D) correlated better with each other than with the items of any other segment, indicating that the three conceptually distinct dimensions were in fact tapping three different aspects of political life. Thus, in terms of construct validity, it appears that the scale does measure what it purports to measure rather than any other variable (Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1991). The variable being measured in this particular study is the degree of hindrance or support which Thai women encounter in political life. It is recommended that this scale be used with a larger sample of Thai female politicians, so that more advanced statistical analysis may be carried out, as well as further evaluation of the scale itself. Caution should be applied when generalizing the results of this research to other contexts, especially given the small sample size of 50 participants. The results of the current study are to be disseminated amongst the research participants themselves as well as all Thai parliamentary bodies, and they will also be submitted for publication in relevant academic journals. 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