Household Waste Collection in Oman - Literature review Example

Household Waste Collection in Oman [Name] [Professor Name] [Course] [Date] Literature Review The importance of waste household collection A majority of Gulf States such as Oman are starting to realise the benefits of waste household collection (Al-Yousfi , 2013). Studies have indicated that Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries such as Oman, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and UAE generated some 22.2 million tonnes of municipal, hence ranking higher than developed countries with regard to per capita waste generation (Al-Ansari, 2012). Waste household collection is indeed an important process in safe disposal and recycling of waste materials. Recoverable materials, mostly which are organic in nature, such as paper products, food craps, or plant materials can be recovered in the waste household collection (Topanou, 2011). The resultant organic materials can afterwards be recycled as compost or mulch for landscaping or agricultural purposes. Additionally, the collection provides a heap that can be used to recover waste gas such as methane for generating heat and electricity (Chloe & Fraser, 1998). The purpose of household collection in waste management is to manage and to step up the natural process of putrefaction of organic matter. The process of household collection provides an opportunity to sort and control solid wastes. Solid wastes can contaminate underground water or pollute air and land (Freduah, 2013). Household collection is also a significant prerequisite in gathering and recycling of reusable materials such as metal, plastics, glass and paper (Abagale, 2012). Public difficulties related to the way of collection Among the environmental hazards faced by Oman include high levels of soil and water salinity specifically in the coastal areas and instances of industrial and household wastes and effluents seeping into aquifers and water tables. Generation of waste and its subsequent collection and disposal is also significant for public health and aesthetics (Al-Yousfi, 2013). Rushton (2003) commented that collection of household waste is linked to various social-cultural practices and perception that influence the mode of appropriate collection and appropriation of space for collection of waste, and which vary significantly dependent on whether the space is public or private. In any case, the complexities associated with the processes have been a subject of study over the last quarter of the 20th century. A large body of literature have alluded to the potential adverse health effects associated with waste collection and disposal, specifically in landfills (Rushton, 2003). Some health literature have indicated that toxicity of individual substances, such as nickel, dioxins, chromium, PAHs, and arsenic can be associated with accidental and occupational exposures. Evidences that such substances are responsible for cancerous infections at environmental levels are however equivocal. Studies by Rushtone (2003) indicate that indeed, waste collection and disposal emits a range of substances responsible for low birth weights as well as incidences or a range of congenital malformations. There is however little evidence suggesting that waste collections and residing near landfills or incinerators cause development defects. Studies into incidences of cancer and mortality among people living near the landfills have however indicated that reproductive defects such as low birth weight or below 2500g, occurrence of birth defects, spontaneous abortions and infant mortality have been reported (Rushton 2013). Studies by Vianna and Polan (13) of Love Canal site also indicate increased incidences of low birth weights in populations leaving near active household dumping sites. Kaundal and Sharma (2007) investigated the problems associated with household disposal in Palumpar and revealed that garbage disposal around homes was a major health risk. Kaundal and Sharma (2007) found that large-scale collection and improper waste disposal caused severe deterioration in the ecological imbalance and quality of life. The dumpsites were also indicated to be a major eyesore. Several diseases such as gastro-entrits and cholera were reported to be caused by improper collection of household waste. Improper disposal of plastics caused significant environmental deterioration. The study by Kaundal and Sharma (2007) revealed that about 75% of respondents considered the choking of drainage systems a major public utility concern. The foul smell emitted by disposed household waste was also a major concern. Kaundal and Sharma (2007) observed that the difficulties associated with household waste collection were complicated by attitudinal factors such as willingness to adopt effective techniques. Among other highlighted difficulties included overburdening of the homemakers with additional domestic responsibilities such as segregation of waste before eventual disposal or the need to create separate dumping bins at household or domestic levels. Resident’s attitudes related to separation of waste in various bin A growing body of researches have examined household attitudes, knowledge and practices on the separation and recycling of wastes. Studies have indicated that despite public awareness of solid waste separation, no significant participation in such initiative has been noted. A large body of researches indicate that the readiness to participate in waste separation is largely dependent on the extent to which the public is part of the recycling activities, the level of education, household income and gender (Kirunda 9). A study by Gakungu and Gitau (2012) found that residents’ attitudes towards separation of waste depended on the amount of space. The study indicated that the resources or space allocated to waste management were significant determinant for the public’s willingness to separate the wastes. Analysis of the results indicated that people were more willing to separate the wastes at dumping sites that provided various options for dumping of different household wastes (Gakungu and Gitau 132-133). Kaundal and Sharma’s (2007) findings suggest that the problems associated with collection of household waste play a vital role in determining the attitude of the respondents towards separation of the waste. Analysis of the findings of the study reveals that respondents were more reluctant to engage in separation of the wastes since they associated the waste with health risks. Further findings by Kaundal and Sharma’s (2007) suggest that waste recycling awareness played a critical role in shaping the attitudes of homemakers towards separation of wastes in bins. The study suggests that such awareness was higher among the teaching community, and that the willingness is related to the variation in education levels of the community. Attitudes towards separation of wastes have also been found to be largely shaped by the complexities in the process. A study by Kaundal and Sharma’s (2007) indicates that the fact that the process of separation of the wastes burden homemakers with extra chores and responsibilities is a major impediment to effective implementation of the process. More than half of the respondents were less willing to participate in separating of the wastes in bins as they considered it as burdensome. The extra costs of acquiring extra bins and a space to station the bins also played a factor. Respondents with less space were less willing to participate in the process. According to Kaundal and Sharma’s (2007), since people are less willing to participate in segregating the wastes, there is a need for behaviour change. Gakungu and Gitau (2012) and Kaundal and Sharma’s (2007) posited that to ensure effective participation of the residents in separating the wastes, it is critical that the public be made aware of the significance of adoption of segregation of wastes ahead of eventual disposal. Public awareness can play a critical factor in changing the attitude of the public towards the process and eventual behaviour change. Acceptance related to weekly collection of household wastes A study Al-Yousfi (2013) into solid waste management in the Arabian states such as Oman observed that many difficult situations related to acceptance face effective planning and implementing technically sound, politically favourable and cost-effective waste management programs. Related studies by Taboada-González et al (2010) observed that economic constraints and lack of awareness on weekly collection of household wastes in Mexican towns of San Quintín and Vicente Guerrero were responsible for poor acceptance of the initiative. The researcher further noted that the insufficient of weekly waste collection systems causes residents to consider discarding the wastes daily in sites close to their homes. Taboada-González et al (2010) observed that acceptance of weekly waste collections depended on the related costs of the service. The acceptance varied significantly depending on the extent to which the residents were willing to spend an extra cost in weekly collections. The researchers found that since waste collection is provided by the municipality at no costs and since it is under no concession at any stage. In the study, residents were willing to take the cheaper options of dumping the wastes in nearly municipal sites rather than opt for the more costly weekly collection of household wastes. Further findings suggested that the willingness to accept weekly collection of household wastes depended significantly on the amount of wastes accumulated by the residents over time. Residents placed the wastes in bins and emptied them only when they were filled on the next collection day (Taboada-González et al 2010). A similar study of waste generation in Sweden observed that the generation rate of house hold solid waste depended on the rate of consumption and production of household good (Dahlen 2008). The study also found that changes in the rate private consumption, the number of family members, the changes in product design as well as change in source-sorting behaviour determined the rate at which household waste is collected ((Dahlen 2008). Awunyo-Vitor, Ishak and Jasaw (2013) examined the willingness of households to pay for improved solid waste management services that collected wastes at weekly intervals. The study revealed that more than half of the respondents were willing to pay for the weekly services. However, similar to a study by Taboada-González et al (2010), this was dependent on the quality of the services, and the more they were improved, the more people were willing to pay an extra cost. Awunyo-Vitor, Ishak and Jasaw (2013) observed that among the reasons why people were less willing to accept the weekly collection systems were the qualities of the waste management service. The study further suggested that some residents were less willing to participate in the weekly arrangements as they had their own secondary receptacle where they were not charged for waste management services. Additional results indicated that residents who had dug waste management holes round their homes were also less reluctant to accept week household waste collections. A cross-section of the respondents in a study by Awunyo-Vitor, Ishak and Jasaw (2013) were also willing to participate in the weekly collection of wastes depending on the location of their residents. Those in rural and remote areas were less reluctant while those in metropolitan areas were more willing to accept the weekly waste management and saw it as a collective responsibility rather that the sole responsibility of the government Awunyo-Vitor, Ishak and Jasaw (2013). Public responses to government approaches to household waste management Few studies have attempted to highlight the significance of identifying the response of the public to policy options on waste management and related negative response to how the policies are socially acceptable, environmentally sustainable and economically viable in Oman. A study Al-Yousfi (2013) into solid waste management in the Arabian region, including Oman, revealed indicated that people were more willing to accept government approaches to household waste management depending on the extent to which they are involved in coming up with the policies. Separate studies by Adedipe et al (2013); Thorneloe and Weitz (2004); Robinson and Nolan-Itu (2002) indicated that such attitudes result since participation encourages and ensures acceptance and understanding. Few other researchers observed that greater corporation at national levels is desirable in ensuring community level agreements (Wiseman, 1992). Public response also depended on the effectiveness of the technological approaches. In industrialised nations waste collection services depended on household sorting subsequent to commercial sorting. Acceptance of this collection standards received positive response as it has been shown to be an effective means of waste management (Wiseman, 1992). Governments are often tempted to select inappropriate technological or approaches due to public pressures to avert the risk of lack of acceptance in nations as Oman where the public sector drives economic development (Common 221-222). In any case, investigations into the acceptance of Australian government’s 2010 strategy of “Zero Solid Waste Management” revealed that building on the communities’ willingness to accept certain approaches could be effective in causing positive responses. To ensure effective response, the study suggested that educating the public on the importance of approach played a critical role (Adedipe et al 2013). With regard to financial and economic response, studies suggested that households were willing to participate in government approaches to waste management depending on the incentives offered by the government (Wiseman, 1992). Other factors in play included the extra costs the public were expected to incur in implementing the approach. This is since effective waste management practice demands a sustainable revenue base (Muniafu and Otiato, 2010). In developing countries such as Oman and Nigeria, it was observed that since waste management was observed as having the potential to contribute to social well-being, households were more willing to participate in government interventions (A study Al-Yousfi 2013; Adedipe et al 2013; Dhokhikah and Trihadiningrum, 2012). According to Adedipe et al (2013), financial costs are useful in facilitating the processing, collection, storage and recycling of wastes, households in developing countries were more willing to participate in the interventions despite the costs. In under developed countries, the study suggested that incentives could be used by the government to stimulate acceptance and participation in government waste management interventions (Ogwueleka, 2009). With regard to institutional response, willingness to participate in the interventions depended on indications of efficiencies, accountabilities, public-pressure-driven commitment and accountability of the government to attain sustainable waste management practices (Adedipe et al 2013; Robinson and Nolan-Itu, 2002). References Abagale, F, Adjei M, and Agyemang, R, 2012, "Urban Solid Waste Sorting in a Growing City of Ghana.” International Journal of Environment and Sustainability 1.4(2012): 18-25. 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