Policing Northern Ireland - Essay Example

Case Study Assignment for Police and Society- A Global Comparative Perspective Question: Are the oversight and accountability systems different between these two police services and how might the oversight processes in each impact their respective societies? Answer: Policing is frequently considered as a social agreement between the state and the citizens. The state ensures that policing will be fair and unbiased while the citizen’s give up some amount of their freedom and independence on their part. In the case of Canada, the police chiefs go by the theory of being accountable for the conduct of the forces under them unlike the elected officials in the United States, who are directly accountable to the public. Police discretion being misused and the use of force illegitimately has been the main grounds for demands being raised by the public for more police accountability. To implement police accountability, Canadian experts have stated to exercise certain curbs on institutions like Municipal boards or Commissions. These comprise temporary appointments of board members responsible for the oversight of a permanent police force. These are political appointees and the governing party can remove or re-appoint them anytime. The office employees will also be held responsible for any misconduct in the force and misuse of power. This theory has been supported to reduce any kind of vulnerability in the office. This method inevitably proceeds towards a system that concentrates on discipline to refrain from wrongdoings and thorough internal investigation by police chiefs. This kind of accountability aids in minimizing public outcries. Such units will then report their observations to the chief in question after conducting internal investigations. Then it is entirely the chief’s decision whether to bring the charge before the appointed Commission or let the internal review unit take over. This method will lead to keeping the entire police force from being accountable for relevant wrongdoings. The system ensures that it is only the individual or a smaller group of officers who will be held responsible. Dennis Cooley, Executive Director of the Law Commission of Canada and Author explores in his book: The perception that there is an increasing need for security, the response of the public and private sector to this demand for security and the impact of such transformations on the delivery of policing activities have created tensions for law and public policy. If policing is less-and-less a public responsibility, what are the implications for issues of fundamental justice? Cooley D. (2004). Re-imagining Policing in Canada. Retrieved on May 30, 2006 on http://crpr.icaap.org/issues/issue1/dcooley.html This approach was met with a certain amount of negative response from the public as expected. They complained of inadequate response by the police force, some were reluctant to place these complaints at the relative forces from which the charged officer came, some feared the criminal code charge of public mischief if the charge was found to be undetected, complainants were not informed of the outcomes and officers refused to admit to the misconduct of fellow officers. Internal review systems of police wrongdoings are mainly patterned along the lines of low profile investigation and an adequate amount of secrecy. But the focus of the media on some newsworthy events involving police misdemeanor have been known to trigger a public hue and cry. Some of these sensational events have led to the set up of various high profile public inquiries, which in turn resulted in the establishment of many civilian oversight agencies across the nation. To learn from the Canadian experience, it is critical to note that effective civilian oversight can only be exercised if the professional model of policing has been incorporated with the civilian oversight bodies. Territorial violence can be weakened in this manner as this combination assumes the police force to take on the role of initiating the dealings with public complaints. The Canadian oversight agencies allow the police organization to conduct the initial investigations of public complaints and only take over when disciplinary actions against officers are required. They come in only when there is some discontent regarding the processing of the public complaint. People in Northern Ireland are looking for an impartial police service, like everywhere else. Forces that uphold the existing laws fearlessly without any particular favoritism towards any group, religion or race. They are looking at the police force to be accountable in many ways than one and also to be democratically accountable to the representative boards. The Patten report largely enforces these views and even looks at a wide range of outside agencies in the governance of security. Depolitisation is also a crucial aspect to the report, which also suggests the appointment of a foreign commissioner to oversee the reforms. The Office of the Oversight Commissioner was established as a result of it. He is solely responsible for supervising the implementation of the changes in the policing structures as discussed in the report. He is liable to receive information, reports and explanations as required from agencies in charge of progress. His job is also to assure the public regarding the development of the implementation. The report he receives includes objectives by the Policing Board, the Police Service and the Government for the same. He conducts routine progress meetings with related bodies and authorities at least thrice a year. These agencies present to the Commissioner various issues regarding achievements in the implementation of the report, provide the reasons for delays and failures, draft out a report to the Secretary of State who in turn publishes it and produces it to the Parliament. A Chief of Staff based in Belfast and a posse of assessors aids the Oversight Commissioner in his duties. However, these responsibilities do not interfere with the operational independence of the police service nor do they hinder the workings of the Secretary of State or the Policing Board. He is also under a confidentiality oath in regard to periodic reviews of development and progress. Al Hutchinson, Oversight Commissioner for Policing Reform analysed and stressed the importance of training: Training remains the bedrock upon which successful policing is built. Timely, relevant and effective training must be recognised as the most fundamental mechanism required to prepare a police officer to deal with the operational, legal and other complexities of policing in the modern era. Hutchinson A . (December 6, 2005). Press Report on police training in support of the Patten recommendations. Retrieved from oversightcommissioner.org (electronic page). The Patten proposal also streamlines the structure from 38 sub-divisions to a smaller 26 units. The recruitment of officers in the Northern Ireland police force is also recommended to be done by a civilian authority in the future. The maintenance of one police organization is proposed but at the same time, management is decentralized to derive accountability for all of Northern Ireland. The Oversight Commissioner reports to the Parliament through the Secretary of State. Keeping these basic differences in the two systems in mind, the oversight processes will nevertheless have a prominent impact on their respective societies as well as cross culturally. Development of dialogues and the practice of alternative methods will provide a substantial amount of aid in the advancement of police accountability in partner countries. The Canadian civilian oversight agencies contributes to the protection of citizens’ rights since they are given enough powers to ensure the accountability of the police force towards the communities they serve. They are independent from the police force and they simply focus on police misconduct above all else. Northern Ireland has re-organized itself to help blend with the new technologies getting rid of the old ones at the same time. Canadian policing strategies suit the situation in their communities since it is a comparatively safe and stable nation. The policing reforms, which Northern Ireland has adapted, are again suitable to the societal circumstances prevalent there. Neighbourhood policing has been looked upon as the key aspect of police work to curb harmful and anti-social behaviour. The independent institution of Ombudsman is now in place after the new Bill being passed but it does not exercise substantial powers. Community policing has advocated a more collaborative and interactive rapport between the communities and the police. The downside is that, even though much of the Patten Report was progressive, only some of his ideas have been incorporated in the new reforms. Experts believe that Northern Ireland communities will be denied a radical and enlightening beginning, in which politics played no part at all. This efficiently effective oversight system has been stripped to suit the political purposes of peace processes, contrary to what Patten had envisaged. This step only makes the society more vulnerable towards what it strives to be protected from, making it impossible to obtain a powerful and accountable police service. Question: How has secrecy impacted the public and police services in Northern Ireland and in Ontario, Canada? Answer: Secrecy is critical in these services as a preventive measure against the ever-growing terrorism acts in the world. It also guards national security and helps in carrying out public safety. Though public as well as police services have taken more to secrecy post the 9/11 attack in the United States, which was a rare reminder of vulnerability to terrorism, the New York attacks have also led the Canadian public policing to change its attitude towards community and has adapted to the utilization of community policing as a security measure as well. On the other hand, security police employs strategies that are secret, which means that they are not liable to any public questioning or scrutiny since they are government agents and their foremost function is its protection. The bone of contention that lies between public and security policing has its origin in their varying political histories. Christopher Murphy (2005). The Canadian Review of Policing Research. Retrieved May 30, 2006 from http://crpr.icaap.org/issues/issue2/murphy.html noted: Though the nature and impact of these new security functions are still evolving, their distinctive policing character threatens to change some of the democratic qualities of Canadian public policing and redefine how local “suspect” communities are policed. But it’s been known that mixing public policing and security ensures the protection of public policing and suspect communities. Policing in Ontario has expanded and reconstituted a security context, which has, which has compatible and logical operational practices when blended with the values of secrecy and security policing. The examination of these forces, namely Ontario based, has proved the requirement as well as the possibility of such a model in policing suspect communities. But the addition of secrecy in policing functions to public policing results in certain strategies and objectives that hinder the principles and values of traditional public policing. These are known by analyzing the post 9/11 experiences of some Canadian police services and suspect communities, also the impact of security. The community is viewed as a strategic resource and looked upon as a resource for matters of intelligence and security information by the security personnel of the community policing force. Since community policing has been incorporated into security policing, it has been made possible for citizens to keep a watch on and share information on suspicious neighbours and any such activity with the local police. This strategy was uncommon in the former policing system where secrecy was a key factor. Local police are encouraged by National Security agencies to watch over community members by even using policing methods of paid informers, surveillance and undercover techniques to ensure safety. Though justifiable and logical, this type of policing strategy can weaken delicate relationships between the communities and the local police, hindering their very purpose of effective security policing. The lack of police –community relationships in certain communities was often followed by distrust and suspicion. It also didn’t help in limiting security concerns and anxieties to limited groups rather it generalized risks. This deficit of intelligence compelled the police to utilize various notorious secret surveillances and information-accumulating techniques, which manifested into community alienation and anger. Hence, the Canadian police suggest the adoption of a conventional public police model where they represent both the community and the government as well as serve and protect them. Rather than secrecy in policing, this method is more likely to produce important and relevant information, resulting in far more effective community and security policing. England had rejected the secretive and imperious method of continental policing after the creation of the public police model. It developed into a compatible police model in terms of increasing democratic values and former community policing practices. Northern Ireland is far removed from this tradition, which is a part of an entirely authentic British policing system originating from local communities. It was decentralized and sensitive to the common routine law whereas Northern Ireland shares similarities with its European neighbours. It identifies itself with the Royal Ulster Constabulary, which followed one political community that directly came under partisan political control of the Ulster Unionist Party, the dominant party of that time. In a way, the policing system of Northern Ireland is attempting to adapt the style of Anglo-Saxon policing, negating the application of new public management in that domain. A highly centralized and secret policing system means isolation from the community, the local police and a wide range of other government agencies, a system Northern Ireland would much rather benefit without given its multi-ethnic population and the constant conflict of Catholics and Protestant Christians. Instead of alienating the relevant bodies in the community, the government and the force, they would benefit tremendously by incorporating them in their police and public services. Secrecy in policing services and systems has resulted in a situation, which is almost disastrous in that part of the world, given its already sensitive and volatile position. What the Patten Report recommends is the complete opposite of a hierarchical police force. It stresses more on important aspects of reforming police and public services, a force that is independent of political pressure, represents itself to the people and the community and is accountable to their questions; a model of non-partisan values in a divided state. The people are looking at a police force that is unprejudiced and understands human rights culture. They don’t want disciplinarians. A police and public service, which represents accountability both financially and democratically, are more acceptable. In a largely Protestant dominant police service, it is only logical to dissolve the force and appoint a new one on the basis of 50-50,achieving a vital mass of Catholics in the police service as well. The Northern Ireland community needs representation from the services, a force that incorporates both the religious communities as well as the other minor ethnicities. It is a difficult task for the service to identify with all the communities and is also not the only solution in helping with resolving all policing issues. For example, Brendan O’Leary, Professor of Political Science at the London School of Political Science stated in an online interview: Structurally, what Patten proposed was a series of recommendations: to make the police vigorously democratically accountable through directly involving active politicians and a range of representative figures from civil society in a powerful policing board, matched by a series of local district policing partnership boards that would be able to oversee lower-level units of the police service. O’Leary B. Policing Northern Ireland. Retrieved May 30, 2006 from http://www.fathom.com/feature/121947/index.html But it is a crucial step towards change and a step away from disaster. As another preventative and security measure, the police should also do away with the norms obtained during the lengthy period of counter-rebellion operation of the RUC against the IRA.This procedure will save the police service from being too much of a secretive force and also an autocratic and unaccountable system and also helps in achieving the desired results. The 1969 conflicts saw the deaths of eight citizens, seven of which were caused by an unreformed police force. The death of police officers outnumbered a ghastly 300,which was a devastating tragedy for their families, the community and the force. A legitimate and reformed policing service is the only solution to prevent the repetition of such great tragedies. Bibliography 1) O’Leary, B. (electronic page). Policing Northern Ireland. Retrieved on May 30, 2006 from http://www.fathom.com/feature/121947/index.html 2) www.oversightcommissioner.org (electronic page) retrieved on May 30, 2006. 3) Cooley, D. (2004). Re-imagining Policing In Canada. Retrieved on May 30, 2006 from http://crpr.icaap.org/issues/issue1/dcooley.html 4) Murphy, C. (2005). Securitizing Community Policing: Towards a Canadian Public Policing Model. Retrieved on May 30, 2006 from http://crpr.icaap.org/issues/issue2/murphy.html Read More