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Diversity and Complexity of Indigenous Australian Cultures - Literature review Example

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"Diversity and Complexity of Indigenous Australian Cultures" paper discusses the concept of aboriginal culture and cultural diversity in order to examine the diversity and complexity of Indigenous Australian cultures. This paper argues that indigenous multicultural discourses are dissimilar. …
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Diversity and Complexity of Indigenous Australian Cultures Name: Lecturer: Course: Date: Topic: Diversity and complexity of Indigenous Australian cultures QUESTION: Discuss the concept of aboriginal culture and cultural diversity in order to examine the diversity and complexity of Indigenous Australian cultures. Introduction Nurturing and sustaining cultural diversity in the modern-day Australia amid the social peculiarities and complexities of the people is a task of an urgent formation that requires many levels of social life. In order to maintain individual cultures, persistent awareness of personal heritage is necessary, in addition to understanding of complex traditions (Battiste 2011). The history path of Aboriginal and Torres Islander people took another turn after the settlement of the Europeans in 1788. Afterwards, they were compelled to adopt Western cultures. The reconciliatory pathway between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians since the 1970s necessitated the creation of European Australian-Indigenous relations (Trepanier & Creighton-Kelly 2011). The insightful influence of the European invasion on the lifestyles of Indigenous Australians is, therefore, understood in terms of the new cultures they had to assimilate. This essay argues that contrary to popular opinion, Indigenous multicultural discourses are dissimilar. Hence, cultural diversity exists among the Aboriginal Australians since culture is part of the Aboriginal people's identity. Similarly, cultural diversity exists among the Aboriginal Australians since culture is not monolithic in nature. Towards this end, the political position of the Indigenous Australians are perceived as spinning around the non-Indigenous people and Indigenous people, specifically in the context of colonisation, as well as such issues like social attitudes, language, demography, land, heritage, health, education, identity and forced removal of children from the parents. The concept of Aboriginal culture and cultural diversity Kugelmann (2010) describes culture as a routine and learned manner humans utilise in organising behaviours, work patterns and thoughts, relative to their environment, and how they act and interact. Within this context, the Aboriginal cultural lens determines how the Aboriginal people’s diversity issues can be interpreted, as well as how they relate in the society and to the environment. At any rate, culture is perceived as a ‘learned process,’ while race is linked to perceived inherited features. Dunn et al (2007) advices that examining cultures calls for consistency in objectivity and an acknowledgement that different groups of individuals may not always see things the same way other groups do. Cultural diversity, according to Kugelmann (2007), is a state where various societies or sections of a society possess divergent cultural norms, values and traditions. It can narrowly be understood as a counterpart of globalisation within the context of trade and culture. Application of the concept of ‘culture’ denotes a multilevel approach that reflects economic, sociological, political historical and legal dimensions. From the legal viewpoint, according to Jun Wu (2014), in the general sense, the concept of cultural diversity has a connotative meaning directed at preserving a situation and attaining an objective. In which case, the promotion of cultural diversity means political and legal implications. Within the perspective of diversity, the idea of convergence of cultures is viewed from a critical viewpoint. If Kugelmann (2010) perspective is to be taken into consideration, then it could be assumed that diversity may exist among the Aboriginal Australians since culture is part of the Aboriginal people's identity. Similarly, cultural diversity may exist among the Aboriginal Australians since culture is not monolithic in nature. Aboriginal attitudes towards diversity The primary focus of researches has primarily been the attitudes of the influential and powerful cultural groups and the attitudes of the minority groups. This is since the bigoted attitudes of the minority groups, such as Aboriginal Australians have been relatively neglected. Even so, the stronger cultural groups have stronger potential and impact that can be transformed into the oppressive acts. This reflects the White domination over the indigenous Australians. At any rate, Hampton and Toombs (2011) explain that the Indigenous Australians are not a culturally privileged group, despite their diversity and rich history. In fact, the non-Indigenous Australians regard them as an out-group that is distinct because of their cultural acceptability. However, in Dunn’s et al (2007) view, the policies of multiculturalism have had direct impacts on the Indigenous populations. Kugelmann (2010) explains that Indigenous Australians retain high stake in national identity and culture and are, therefore, a significant constituent on the Australian identity and nation. Therefore, their perspectives on social inclusion are equally important. Dunn et al (2010) takes this perspective to argue that scholars have neglected the views on Indigenous Australians regarding cultural diversity and complexity. Dunn’s et al (2010) study on Indigenous Australians’ views on cultural diversity and racism revealed that they have a positive outlook towards cultural diversity. Following the implementation of multicultural policies in the 1970s and the immigration policies that encourage a culturally diverse population, Hampton and Toombs (2011) noted that there is limited research on the perspective of Indigenous people towards such policies. Based on the wide model of cultural diversity, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are assumed to be, a single ethnic group among myriad ethnic groups across Australia who shares equal opportunity, in addition to equal claims of shared belonging (Pellekaan & Clague 2005). Diversity in terms of demography At odds with popular opinion, the Indigenous people are not homogenous. More than 600 Indigenous clan groups lived in Australia before the coming of the British in 1788. The Indigenous people have however, become more diverse because of the varied social attitudes, cultures and origin (Battiste 2011). The Torres Strait Islanders and the Aboriginal people are the original inhabitants of Australia, along with its surrounding islands. As stated by Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), their diversity is marked by their diverse population. ABS further estimates that there were some 517,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in 2012. Additionally, they make up around 2.5 percent of the entire Australian population (ABS 2012). ABS estimates further that the Aboriginal people consist of some 463,700, or 90 percent of the Indigenous population. On the other hand, Torres Strait Islander comprises of around 33,000, or 6 percent of the population. Additionally, some 20,100 (or 4 percent) of the population comprise individuals of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander origin. At the same time, United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) approximates that around 32 percent of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander live in metropolitan areas, 22 percent occupy the outer-regional areas, while 21 percent occupy the inner-regional areas. Twenty-four percent of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander occupy the remote regions (UNICEF, 2010). Diversity in languages Despite sharing a common history, the Torres Strait Islanders and the Aboriginal people share extreme diversity in terms of the languages they speak. Indeed, the Indigenous people are further divided into local communities (Cordell & Judith 1987). Their relatively simple lifestyles have however, led into two major complexities: First, they were by nature culturally homogenous. Second, they tended to retain limited attachment to the land and limitedly exploited the resource. At any rate, diversity has instrumentally been a characteristic of the Torres Strait Islanders and the Aboriginal people. As a result, it has been manifested in a range of ways. In the past, they had some 400 dissimilar languages. Two-thirds of these languages have either become moribund or extinct (Cordell and Judith 1987). The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups are significantly different in terms of linguistic customs. The Aboriginal people speak a range of languages, such as Yamatji in Western Australia, Murri in Queensland, Palawah (or Pallawah) in Tasmania, Anangu in South Australia and Yapa in Northern Territory. The Torres Strait Islanders have distinct languages from that of Aboriginal Australians. According to Dunn et al (2007), those in the east of Australia speak Papuan language and are related to the Papuan peoples of New Guinea. They make up some 100 islands that were initially invaded by Queensland in 1879. Linguistics of Aboriginal origin, such as Bybee (2005) classify the mainland Australian languages into a single complex group dubbed Pama-Nguyan languages. The rests of the other languages are classified under non-Pama-Nguyan languages, which however make up the majority that cover most of Australia. Dunn et al (2007) thinks they are related family group, an idea supported by Jones (2003). The non-Pama-Nguyan language groups occupy the north of Australia, between Gulf of Carpentaria and Western Kimberley. There are no indications that they are related to the Pama–Nyungan family group. This denotes some complexity. For instance, linguistics have sought to determine familial relationships in the Pama–Nyungan language groups, and concluded that the Pama–Nyungan group – including the entire Australian linguistic area is indeed a large genetic language family to refute earlier claims that the group of languages has protracted intimate contact (Bybee 2005). It could further be reasoned that due to their elongated occupation of Australia, the Aboriginal languages make up one unambiguous sub-grouping (Jones 2003). In the modern-day society, Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Island people speak dialects of English, commonly referred as Aboriginal English. They speak the dialects in domestic or familiar social environments. This further intensifies diversity among the Indigenous Australians. Battiste (2011) explains that the dialects make up a continuum ranging from those that are close proximity to Standard English to those near Aboriginal Kriol (Bourke & Edwards, n.d.). The dissimilarity between Standard English and Aboriginal Kriol subsist in varied language aspects, including sounds, grammar, vocabulary, style, accent, and use. In which case, while some Indigenous people are considered being bi-culturally competent, as well as proficient in switching between Standard English and Aboriginal English, some are barely proficient in the aboriginal English. At this stage, it could be argued that diversity of proficiency in speaking English have complicated policy issues, such as capacity of disadvantaged communities to voice social concerns or communicate public policies (Bybee 2005). Lands, tools, music, dance and ritual ceremonies Land is a critical issue denoting cultural diversity among Indigenous Australians. According to Wood (1999), Aboriginal Australians view land as not just rocks or soil but an environment that sustains life and that needs to be sustained by people and their cultures. Other Aboriginal Australians also view the land as central to all spirituality and that their relationship with the land is determines how they live. Adaptation to tools and technology is also a vital issue of concern that demonstrates cultural diversity among the Aboriginal Australia. Hampton and Toombs (2011) explain that tools and implements they use show the diversity of locations different groups come from. For instance, the coastal groups used fishbones in tipping their weapons while the desert Indigenous groups used stone tips. In terms of music, dance and ritual ceremonies, the Indigenous Australians view performances as central to their cultural lives (Hampton and Toombs 2011). For instance, the Tiwi Islanders view these performances as assembling all their art forms, such as decoration, body, dance, song, painting and sculpture to show love for families. Hence, they perform dances at the end of each day. The Murri view performances as demonstrating clan rights to an audience, and tend to perform dances during special occasions (Wood 1999). According to Dunn et al (2007), the quality and broad range of Australian Indigenous art forms reflect the rich cultural diversity of the Indigenous people, as well as the unique differences among their languages, tribes, geographical landscape and dialects. For instance, the dot paintings used by the Aboriginal people from the western deserts in the 1970s in Central Australia has been dubbed the greatest art movements of the 20th century. Aboriginal Australians in Western and Southern Australia used animal skin for arts (Dunn et al 2007). Conclusion Contrary to popular opinion, Indigenous multicultural discourses are dissimilar. Cultural diversity exists among the Aboriginal Australians since culture is part of the Aboriginal people's identity. Similarly, cultural diversity exists among the Aboriginal Australians since culture is not monolithic in nature. At the same time, the political position of the Indigenous Australians spin around the non-Indigenous people and Indigenous people, specifically in the context of colonisation, as well as such issues like social attitudes, language, demography, land, heritage, health, education, identity and forced removal of children from the parents. Reference List Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 2012, Unity and Diversity: The History And Culture Of Aboriginal Australia, viewed 7 Nov 2013, Battiste, M 2011, Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision, UBC Press, Vancouver Bourke, C. & Edwards, B n.d., Family and Kin, Ch6 pp.85-101 Bybee, J 2005, “Restrictions on phonemes in affixes: A crosslinguistic test of a popular hypothesis,” Linguistic Typology 9 (2005), 165–222 Cordell, J. & Judith, F, 1987, “Torres Strait: Cultural Identity and the Sea,” Cultural Survival Quarterly. Vol 11 no 2, pp.1-4 Dunn, K, Kamp, A, Shaw, W, Forrest, J & Paradies, Y 2007, "Indigenous Australians’ Attitudes Towards Multiculturalism, Cultural Diversity, ‘Race’ and Racism," Journal of Australian Indigenous Issues Vol 13 No 4, pp.19-31 Hampton, R & Toombs, M 2011, Culture, identity and Indigenous Australian peoples, Oxford University Press, Oxford Jones, D 2003, "Kinship and Deep History: Exploring Connections between Culture Areas, Genes, and Languages," American Anthropologist vol 105 no 3, pp.501–514. Jun Wu, J 2014, "Sounds of Australia: Aboriginal Popular Music, Identity, and Place," Nota Bene: Canadian Undergraduate Journal of Musicology, Vol. 7: Iss. 1, pp.81-144 Kugelmann, D 2010, "The Protection of MInorities and Indigenous Peoples Respecting Cultural Diversity," Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations, vol 11, pp.233-263 Pellekaan, S & Clague, L 2005, "Toward health and wellbeing for indigenous Australians," Postgrad Med Jourlal vol. 81, pp.618-624 Trepanier, F & Creighton-Kelly, C 2011, Understanding Aboriginal Arts in Canada Today, Cette Publication, Ottawa United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) 2010, Gender and Indigenous Peoples, United Nations HQ, New York Wood, S 1999, "Aboriginal Land Rights in Australia." Human Rights Brief 6 no. 3, pp.5-10 Read More
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