Homelessness and Domestic Violence Against Women in Australia - Assignment Example

REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON HOMELESSNESS AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN AUSTRALIA Name Institutional affiliation Date Homelessness and Domestic Violence against Women in Australia: Literature Review Definition of domestic violence and homelessness There are debates in the research community regarding the most appropriate definition of domestic violence. These debates have been informed by the fact that domestic violence bears close resemblance to other forms of violence (Wilcox, 2006). In addition, definition of domestic violence by justice systems differs from one country to another. The different definitions offer varying, and sometimes contradictory and or overlapping definition of this concept. Nonetheless, the various definitions have been adopted in research literature and provide a basis for systematic inquiries into this important social issue. For the purpose of this literature review, domestic violence is defined as any form of abuse of power and privileges perpetrate by one partner in the context of an intimate relationship (Rollins, Glass & Perrin et al, 2012). Homelessness refers to a situation where individuals lack suitable accommodation or habitation. Homelessness is characterized by individuals living in places that are not fit for human habitation, in transitioning accommodations in emergence shelter or in institutions of temporal residence. According to Galano, Hunter and Howell (2013), domestic violence is a leading cause of homelessness in Australia. This occurs when one partner attempts to assert financial, physical, social emotional or psychological control, forcing the other partner to move out of the relationship. Although domestic violence takes different forms, the most common ones are sexual and physical assault, social and emotional abuse, economic deprivation and threats of intimidation. When women leave abusive relationships, they often have nowhere to go, which forces them to be homeless at least for a while. Statistics indicate that at least 50% of all homeless children and women in Australia are victims of domestic violence. Theoretical frameworks on domestic violence and homelessness A review of literature on domestic violence shows that diverse theoretical models have been adopted to explain the relationship between domestic violence and homelessness. Feminist, psychological sociological and systems theories have been recognized in an attempt to explain violence in intimate relationships. The psychological perspective views domestic violence as a medical problem, implying that abusive men suffer from mental illnesses that cause them to adopt violent behaviors. In effect, the psychological perspective reduces abusers’ accountability for the homelessness (Chamberlain, Johnson & Robinson, 2014). Among the various psychological theories that have been examined, the social learning theory has been consistently cited in domestic violence literature. This theory suggests that human behaviors can be learned by observing and emulating others to avoid punishment or get rewards. With regards to the motivations for domestic violence, social learning theory posits that violent behaviors are acquired during childhood by observing parents, movie characters and violent people in society. As children grow, they internalize the violent behaviors and start to act violently towards their spouses when they become adults. Research shows that children from abusive relationships are more likely to be abusive as adults, which invariably results in homelessness (O’campo, Daoud, Hamilton-Wright & Dunn, 2016). Studies have shown that although the psychological perspective can correctly explain some aspects of domestic violence, it offers a limited explanation of all patterns of domestic violence. Heaven (2009), for example, found that not all domestically violent men exhibit violent behaviors in other social contexts such as the workplace. Other studies show men with normal states of mind can be violent towards their spouses (Chamberlain, Johnson & Robinson, 2014). These findings have led researchers to discredit psychological perspective as being too narrow and insignificant in explaining the relationship between homelessness and domestic violence. The feminist theory of domestic violence suggests that society expects men to be the head of families in terms of providing accommodation, directing decisions and controlling income. By reinforcing women as subordinates in the families, these societal expectations endow men with the authority to use violence as a means of controlling homes (Chamberlain, Johnson & Robinson, 2014). This is to say that men are the owners of the homes and when an abuse occurs, women are likely to move out and become homeless. According to Aldemir (2009), the apparent imbalance of gender power in relationships in favor of men is discernible even in other social settings such as managerial duties in the workplace. A key shortcoming of the feminist theory is the inability to account for men who are not violent in their marriage relationships. Moreover, the theory does not shed light on increasing cases of women who perpetrate acts of violence against their husbands (Rollins, Glass & Perrin et al, 2012). The sociological theory states that male partners in intimate relationships act violently against their partners in response to pressures from external forces. These forces include class structure, poverty and unemployment. An unemployed man may act violently towards his partner, with the intention of evading the responsibility to provide decent housing. Work-related stress is commonly reported under the sociological theory as a key reason for domestic violence. However, this perspective is not supported in all cases of domestic violence. Lastly, the systems theory of domestic violence states that violent behaviors in domestic settings are not caused by any single factor. Rather these behaviors are caused by a multitude of factors including cultural constructions of violence and homelessness in the society (Heaven, 2009). Cycle of domestic violence against women and how its impact on homelessness Existing literature on violence against women shows that all abusive relationships follow a predictable cyclical pattern (Wilcox, 2006). The transition between the various stages of the abuse tends to be subtle but can vary widely depending on the nature of the relationship and the type of abuse. In the initial phase of the violence, mild forms of abuse such as accusations and verbal insults are common. In some cases, the initial incident can involve minor forms of physical or sexual abuse. At this stage, the perpetrator of domestic violence may not attempt to assert any major control over the victim. Although the threat of violence may appear insignificant, most perpetrators follow through their threats in later stages of the abuse. Following the initial stage of abusive relationships is the tension build-up phase. At this stage, the abuse intensifies and degenerates into serious forms of physical abuse. For example, the man may kick the woman while hurling serious verbal threats on her. At this point, the victim (woman) may try to look for ways of appeasing the abuser to prevent the relationship from slipping into a dangerous trajectory. The woman may also feel remorseful and think that she could be the cause of the abuse. For example, the woman may feel that if she was a better cook or more beautiful, her spouse could not abuse her. For most victims, the tension building phase occurs gradually that is not even noticed. Galano, Hunter and Howell (2013) reported that the tension build-up phase provides the man with an opportunity to gain absolute control over the relationship. The next stage is the explosion phase. If the tension phase progresses gradually without successful intervention, the abuse reaches an explosive crescendo. Here, more violent forms of abuse are perpetrated against the victims. For example, the man may brutally rape the woman, push her from a moving car or deliberately hurt her severely. The explosive phase is very dramatic and it is commonly at his stage that the victim decides to seek help, for example, by reporting the abuse to authorities. Some victims may move out of the relationships for fear of more dangerous abuses. If the woman moves out of the relationship, it is likely that she will become homeless (Heaven, 2009). The next stage is the making-up phase, during which the abuser attempts to apologize and seek reconciliation with the victim (who could be homeless already). Here, the man may promise not to abuse the woman again or even blame her for forcing him to be violent. The man may also claim that the woman is exaggerating the abuse or even deny ever abusing her. The abused partner feels relieved that the violence has stopped, at least for the time being. Therefore, the woman accepts the man although she may not believe his promise of not abusing her again. The final stage is the honeymoon or calm phase. At this stage, the abused partner hopes to see drastic change in the abuser’s character as an assurance that the abuse will never happen again. The abuser may buy gifts to his wife and treat her with love for a period. For some relationships, the abuse may not happen again but in others, the abuse recurs and the cycle begins (Wilcox, 2006). Incidence of domestic violence against women and homelessness in Australia According to Baker, Billhardt and Warren et al (2010) reporting of violence in intimate relationships is far less than the number of actual cases. Using data from justice and public health services in Australia, Chamberlain, Johnson and Robinson (2014) estimated that the unreported rate of violence against women in Australia could be about three times higher than the reported rate. Many victims of domestic violence show indifference towards reporting because of poor response the authorities. This is partly because victims feel humiliated, isolated and that they are responsible for the abuse. For some victims of domestic violence, reporting the vice may lead to escalation of the violence and therefore not reporting is considered a self-protective measure. Taking the above caveats into account and using the most reliable data, violence in intimate relationships is believed to be inflicted on one in three Australian women, at least once in their lifetimes. Out of this, about half become homeless as a direct result of the violence. This rate is similar to that reported in other countries such as the United States and Canada (O’campo, Daoud, Hamilton-Wright & Dunn, 2016). Further, research shows that acts of domestic violence are not exclusive to particular Australian social classes or regions. However, violence-related homelessness is more frequent among members of lower socio-economic groups. Those in advantaged socio-economic groups may enjoy privileges that protect them from resorting to homelessness. These privileges include well paying jobs and better education, but it may be that they are more informed in taking defensive actions and have supportive families (Pavao, Alvarez & Baumrind et al, 2007). Although the behavior of not reporting cases of domestic violence has been identified as a risk factor for increasing cases of homelessness in Australia, minority groups such as the Indigenous communities report proportionately higher incidences of homelessness. In a study by (Rollins, Glass & Perrin et al, 2012), it was found that aboriginal women endure higher rates of domestic violence and homelessness than other women in Australia. Other women groups likely to suffer similar fate include the physically and intellectually disabled women and immigrants. Impact of violence-induced homelessness on the victims, their families and the society Due to underreporting of domestic violence, the extent of the impact of this social issue remains largely unknown (Baker, Billhardt, Warren, Rollins & Glass, 2010). What is clear however is that the effects of violence-related homelessness are far-reaching, moving swiftly from the victims to family members and social networks and to the community. In Australia, there are limited studies on the impact of domestic violence on the health of the perpetrators. However, it cannot be stated that violence does not have any effect on the perpetrators. Regarding the female victims, studies have shown that homelessness and violence can have profound impacts. A study by Galano, Hunter and Howell (2013) revealed that violence accounts for more than 10% of ill-health burden on Australian women in marriage relationships, and that it was a leading cause of death, illnesses and disability. Similar studies by O’campo, Daoud, Hamilton-Wright and Dunn (2016) showed the peak age of impact of homelessness on women to be between the ages of 30 and 45 years, a time when most women are parenting their children. These studies also identified health consequences to include the spread of sexually transmitted infections, death (by both suicide and homicide), fractures and bruises, vital organ injuries and mental health illnesses such as anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress symptoms. Baker, Billhardt and Warren et al (2010) report that violence against women and subsequent lack of housing impedes their ability to exercise effective parenting of children. Due to depression and physical weakness, homelessness diminishes mother-child bonds, which in turn affects the child’s emotional and physical growth. In some cases, the perpetrator enjoys breaking down the mother-child bonds so as to maintain absolute control of the family. Chamberlain, Johnson and Robinson (2014) report that besides affecting the mother, homelessness can affect the children directly. The children can suffer emotional and psychological distress by witnessing one parent attack the other. The behavior of parents may frighten the children and cause them to develop strong feelings of fear against the perpetrator. The children may also develop personality disorders by witnessing violence, lack of housing and poverty in their families. For example, they may feel unable to express themselves. Baker, Billhardt, Warren, Rollins and Glass (2010) argue that since violence against women undermines the development of child-mother relationships, it leaves the children without a protective parent, especially when the mother is rendered homeless. Such children are likely to be disturbed psychologically when they become adults. Reasons why women choose to stay in abusive relationships Although most victims of domestic violence are forced to be homeless, a review of existing studies yields a myriad of reasons why women stay in abusive relationships or return to relationships in which they were abused. The most commonly cited reason is the need for safety. According to Chamberlain, Johnson and Robinson (2014), an abused woman may fear that leaving the relationship or making efforts to end the abuse may cause the spouse to retaliate. In this situation, the abusive man may have made retaliatory threats, implying that if the woman walks out of the relationships, he will stalk and hurt her. In fact, studies show that women who are separated or divorced are likely to report being abused by ex-partners (Gewirtz & Medhanie, 2008). Another reason is that lack of support from family, friends or the community compels women to stay in abusive relationships despite the obvious dangers. A study by Rollins, Glass and Perrin et al (2012) revealed that women who receive emotional and financial support are likely to leave abusive relationships. Generally, immediate family members and friends play a critical role in providing emotional support to the victims of violence during stressful situations. This can help in reducing chances of developing stress related health complications and of becoming homeless. Family and friends can also provide accommodation and safe places for the victims to stay, especially when the victims have children. Galano, Hunter and Howell (2013) reported that an abusive man may use children to coerce the woman into staying in an abusive relationship. For example, the man can threaten to hurt the children or take them away to maintain control of the mother. Studies have also found social isolation to be a key reason for women staying in abusive relationships. According to Heaven (2009), frequently and severely abused women have limited social networks and therefore cannot get the necessary support to move out of the abusive relationships. Additionally, it has been established that uneducated women are more likely to return to or remain in abusive relationships than educated women. It can thus be hypothesized that education is a key variable that influences the course of abusive relationships. Guilt and shame may represent another reason for staying in abusive relationships. The woman may feel shame of being homeless. In some conservative communities and religious groups, women are taught to be submissive to their husbands and fathers. In such cases, women will be hesitant to report incidents of domestic violence or move out of abusive relationships. This phenomenon has been observed among the indigenous communities of Australia (Rollins, Glass & Perrin et al, 2012). Economic dependency has also been cited as a major reason why women choose to remain in abusive relationships. Economic dependency may arise when the abuser is the sole provider, or uses intimidating and threats to take control of the victim’s finances. Studies by Aldemir (2009) revealed that women who depend on their husbands economically are more likely to stay in the relationship no matter the severity of the abuse. Even for women who are able to support themselves economically, studies show high chances of their standards of living dropping once they leave the relationships (Galano, Hunter & Howell, 2013). Gaps in the existing knowledge Although there is extensive literature on the nature and extent of domestic violence against women in Australia, there are substantial gaps in this literature. A key knowledge gap is in determining the most effective therapies for children exposed to domestic violence and homelessness. Future studies need to focus on ways of improving understanding of the effects of dosage, timing and acceptance of housing interventions for children exposed to violence. Besides trauma, a number of characteristics are critical to consider for research on consequences and mechanisms of child exposure to homelessness. Consequences need to be evaluated more broadly, taking into account development of secondary behavioral characteristics. In order to develop the most effective treatment, more studies are needed to focus on the long-term psychological effects of violence on children and families. The studies should consider the effects from multiple perspectives including genetics and neural (Rollins, Glass & Perrin et al, 2012). Another key knowledge gap is in the development of resilience models. Existing literature on domestic violence in Australia has not fully explored which acute psychological and emotional responses can predict long-term consequences of homelessness on the women, their children and the community. For example, research needs to examine the role of culture as a protective factor that leads to resilience for homelessness. Research also needs to focus on the the use of pharmacological therapies as a copping strategy for homeless victims with post traumatic stress disorder. According to Baker, Billhardt, Warren, Rollins and Glass (2010), research on examination of resilience requires attention to factors that contribute to resilience including lack of social support. Another area of knowledge gap is in understanding long-term negative effects of legal intervention as a solution to homelessness. According to O’campo, Daoud, Hamilton-Wright and Dunn (2016), legal intervention can result in unintended negative effects such as parents being imprisoned, children testifying in court and one parent taking custody of children. Another area of focus is on whether women suffering suffer from violence-related homelessness should be deemed to be in need of legal protection. On one hand, such researches will provide a solid foundation in the development of policies for protecting vulnerable women. On the other hand, it will lead to more pressures on the capacity of the government to offer required housing services considering that thousands of women and children who are rendered homeless each year. Questions for future research Based on the foregoing review of existing literature on domestic violence against women in Australia and analysis of knowledge gaps, the following questions are proposed: i. How can legal and policy responses be implemented to result in optimal solutions for homeless victims of domestic violence and their children? ii. What are the long-term psychological and emotional effects arising from the victims being too resilient to homelessness? iii. How can the community support children whose mothers are victims of domestic violence and housing instability? References Aldemir, H. (2009). Rethinking the Place of Children in the Nexus between Domestic Violence and Homelessness. Parity, 22(10), 48-49. Baker, C. K., Billhardt, K. A., Warren, J., Rollins, C., & Glass, N. E. (2010). Domestic violence, housing instability, and homelessness: A review of housing policies and program practices for meeting the needs of survivors. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 15, 430–439. Chamberlain, C., Johnson, G., & Robinson, C. (2014). Homelessness in Australia. Kensington NSW: UNSW Press. Galano, M., Hunter, E., Howell, K. (2013). Predicting Shelter Residence in Women Experiencing Recent Intimate Partner Violence. Violence Against Women, 19(4), 518-535. Gewirtz, A. & Medhanie, A. (2008). Proximity and risk in children’s witnessing of intimate partner violence. Journal of Emotional Abuse 8(1/2), 67–82 Heaven, L. (2009). Domestic Violence and Homelessness. Parity, 22(10), 53-54. O’campo, P., Daoud, N., Hamilton-Wright, S. & Dunn, J. (2016). Conceptualizing Housing Instability: Experiences with Material and Psychological Instability Among Women Living with Partner Violence. Housing Studies, 31(1), 1-19 Pavao, J., Alvarez, J. & Baumrind, N. et al (2007). Intimate Partner Violence and Housing Instability. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 32(2), 143-146. Rollins, C., Glass, N. & Perrin, N. et al, (2012). Housing Instability Is as Strong a Predictor of Poor Health Outcomes as Level of Danger in an Abusive Relationship. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 27(4), 623-643. Wilcox, P. (2006). Surviving domestic violence: gender, poverty and agency. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Read More