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Ethnography as Memory - Essay Example

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This essay "Ethnography as Memory" argues on the role of memory as a narrative of social practice, as a projection of an ideal view of the self, and as an embodiment of a certain feeling about an experience. There is a critical interrogation of how memories are situated across time…
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Ethnography as Memory
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Ethnography as Memory: Memory as Ethnography In the realm of anthropology, nothing beats the role and significance of ethnography in highlighting cultural differences and in promoting cultural understanding. Much has been written about cultures and a significant chunk about the term “Culture” still remains unexplored. Anthropologist main concern in engaging fieldwork is dispel biases, eradicate generalizations and foster sensitivity about a certain culture of a particular group in society. Most of the time, ethnographies focus on one’s experience in a particular culture, especially in narrating their experiences about certain cultural practices and rituals. However, some focus on the narratives of experiences of people, which constitute one memory of a certain shared experience that can shed some light on how people see a certain phenomenon. In this paper, I shall argue on the role of memory as an indicator of the following: (1) as a narrative of a social practice, (2) as a projection of ideal view of the self and (3) as an embodiment of a certain feeling about an experience. In accordance to the premises mentioned, there is a need to point the issues that come with each of the premises in terms of ethnography as a practice and as experience. At the same time, there is a critical interrogation of how memories are situated across time and how narratives of it become a valuable source of knowledge. These inquiries shall be able to project a view on culture that is engaging, new, and unbiased. Also, this will become an attempt to challenge biases about memories and generalizations attributed to its culture of origin. Memory as a Narrative of Social Practice “No real and complete memory every appears in our dreams as it appears in our waking state. Our dreams are composed of fragments of memory too mutilated and mixed up with other to allow us to recognize them” (Halbwachs 1992, p. 41). Recalling a memory from dreams can be a problematic condition since bits and pieces of such an experience are oftentimes incoherent and too difficult to collate. Experiences become the real source of memories and can be the references of dreams. However, the feebleness of the mind makes one incapable of narrating every detail, which then leads to focusing on the most important details in order to impart to others the narrative of one’s experiences. In case of cultural and social experiences, the discourse about dreams can be considered stagnant because “the dream is based only upon itself, whereas our recollections depend on those of all our fellows, and on the great frameworks of the memory of society” (Halbwachs 1992, p. 42). This would then be a validation that memory also works on the social level, even if the experiences of the phenomenon for each individual are varied. However, experiences become objects of the past, which have a huge impact on how things turn out or happen in the present. Connerton (1989, p. 2) projects that “experiences of the present very largely depends on our knowledge of the past.” In connection to social memory, the “images of the past commonly legitimate a present social order” (Connerton 1989, p. 2). Following such a condition, one can take into account that memories of the past become stories or narratives that are passed on from generations to generations, which could impart lessons and predicaments for the contemporary society. This assertion can be considered true since “different sets of memories, frequently in the shape of implicit background narratives, will encounter each other, so that, although physically present to one another in a particular setting, the different generations may remain mentally and emotionally insulated, the memories of one generation locked irretrievably, as it were, in the brains and bodies of that generation” (Connerton 1989, p. 3). Thus, there is an intergenerational paradigm working whenever social memories and social experiences are dealt with. This kind of phenomenon can be considered present in most countries that have undergone through colonialism. One ethnographic I shall refer to at this point is the work of Jennifer Cole entitled Forget Colonialism, which is an ethnographic study of the Betsimiraka community in Madagascar. Cole (2001, p. 102) posits an assumption that life is seen “from a particular perspective and that perspective is partially created through representations of the past that highlight some aspects of experience and neglect others.” This kind of logic can be considered parallel to how dreams can be recalled and similar to the fragmentary condition. Unlike dreams where memory can be considered irretrievable, in collective memories, there is a certain degree of conscious selection of memories. “Selective representations of the past explain how a particular constellation of relationships in the present came to be (Cole 2001, p. 103).” This opens up to the condition that collective memories have a huge impact on how things turn out in the present, as emphasized earlier. For the Betsimiraka, there is a belief on their part that their colonial experiences have disrupted their cultural conventions and their living conditions (Cole 2001, p. 103). This kind of narrative cannot be oversimplified or overlooked. This kind of feeling about colonial experiences happens due to a number of reasons. Some of this includes racism, oppression and killings. This even includes an attempt on the part of the colonizer to eradicate their culture. No wonder that the feeling of hatred towards the idea of colonialism can be considered apparent because it really had huge influence on how they view things in their current society. It can be considered that their culture is in shambles or state of instability because what is left of their possibly authentic culture is apparent in certain aspects but not holistic accordingly to their systematic cultural practice. This kind of condition will then lead to the second point I shall be making in this paper: how memories can become a tool project an ideal view of the self. I shall still be using the study of Cole as a point of departure but this shall be situated in concordance to other ethnographic studies. Memory as a Projection of the Ideal View of the Self One idea that can be considered valid at this point is that historical memory is a projection of one’s identity. Looking at the dynamics of colonialism, two images are formed: savaged and civilized. For Cole (2001), she asserts that history is evolving, together with societies, from savaged to civilized under the eyes of the colonizers. What can be derived here are two things: the projection of the ideal self based on the lens of the colonized since it is the culture they are accustomed to and the imposition of the ideal self that coincides with the colonizer’s standards of culture. In this case, the colonizer is the one that defined one colonized country’s culture and identity. This then opens up to problems of identification. In the recent times, according to Cole (2001, p. 104), all societies have history and “seek to determine the particular modalities through which an oral society constructs its relationship to the past.” In this case, by recognizing one’s history, which consists of amalgam of experiences, can make a particular group be able to connect itself with their roots or past by the use of their possible references like their own oral history, narratives about their past and rituals that are part of their culture (Cole 2001). Following such a premise, it can be considered that one’s tampered notions of identity can be reclaimed via memory or collective memory since the experiences of the past are carried over by traditions that have been consistently practiced over time. However, such kind of condition might be accused of being too essentialist because of pursuing an idealistic agenda. To engage things further, one must take into account that these people who have been victimized can do such thing because their identity and their culture were tampered due to an incursion of standards, which are enforced and imposed on their way of life. Ethnicity plays a huge part at this point. Ethnicity can be used as an instrument to further “collective interest to mobilize large following in support of their goals in struggle for power (Smith 1991, p. 20). Analytically, primacy on ethnic origins becomes a unifying factor in pursuing an agenda. This aim can be confined under a certain concept or belief, which then becomes an underlying principle in the projection of an ideal society or social order. This can be an avenue to push for nationalism. In furthering the discussion, the kind of resistance towards such cultural interventions through essentialism can be considered as a manifestation of nationalism, or having a sense of belonging and oneness in a particular group or society. “Nationalist sentiment is the feeling of anger by the violation of the principle or the feeling of satisfaction in fulfilling such” (Gellner 1983, p. 1). The case highlighted above falls under the two premises of sentiments. Intervening in one’s culture is a violation of their sense of identity and oneness. At the same time, the manner of reclaiming one’s culture, amidst the interventions, is also a way to reclaim a sense of identity. However, the notion of nationalism can be considered attached to the issue of racism and the colonizers to the colonized have laid down subjugation. To a certain extent, patriotism is an embodiment of a projection of identity. However, this projection will not always be in terms of the one’s who assert to be recognized on how they want to be recognized. Rather, nationalism can also be a manifestation of hatred towards an oppressor (Anderson 1983). This can be seen on his example of Rizal’s poem since it is apparent in the poem that it hatred is essential to “expression of national feeling” (Anderson 1983, p. 142). This case is similar to one aforementioned. To a certain extent, this is a parallel case with the case study of Cole. The difference lies on the use of hatred to fuel nationalist agenda whilst the former is more concerned on reclaiming their sense of identity and independence. In this case, it can be seen that nationalism is amplified by the desire to project a certain identity fit for groups or societies that have their own unique cultural practices. Memory still plays a role here because the memory of oppression becomes a tool to condition the following generations to go against the oppression. The narratives of oppression, drawn from the memories of people who have been oppressed determine how the order of things goes for the contemporary society. It can be analyzed that the projection of identity innate to these victimized cultures of colonialism is still under construction and under contentions. Thus, it can be seen that nationalism is an imagination of an identity is truly aligned with the ideals and conventions of culture of certain groups. In spite of such a reasonable assertion, it still appears that double standards occur for those who have experienced colonial rule. The memory of the experience will always be a memory that has a huge impact on the way life. At the same time, the influence of colonialism is already integral to the memory involved. Analytically speaking, the contemporary conditions are hinged on both paradigms. The experiences of traditional culture are carried over together with the hatred towards colonizers and their influences towards the culture. Ultimately, the ideals about a culture and the projections of it coincide with how memory is a powerful tool to convey the message about an experience, whether it is good or bad. Memories will always have a huge influence on how things will turn out for those who experience the present. These become guides on how on must view things in order assess it and uphold it. However, a crucial element to these memories is the feeling that these creates, which are essential to these narratives. In the proceeding part, I shall try to establish a connection between the narratives of memories with the experiences and emotions that come with it. That way, there can be a chance to look into the way people think and feel about what they experience. Memory as an Embodiment of Feeling of an Experience Regarding memories, one must understand the memories are not just narratives. These are expression of sensibilities. These memories and narratives are emotionally – charged. These carry with them, alongside time, the feeling of the experience. The narrative assures the deliveries of memories across generations but what makes them powerful is their content: emotions. Most of the time, when stories are told, there is a certain feel of attachment with the story since the narratives can bring new experiences, especially on the part of researchers. It becomes an avenue for someone to be enlightened. The experiences from these memories are validations of how things happen nowadays. These have a stake on how people behave and believe. However, in these narratives, time is a crucial element, or even the main element of narratives of memories: “the notion that cognition of time and other fundamental categories is constructed through narratives and that consequently examination of narratives will reveal directly a particular group of people’s concept of the world they inhabit (Bloch 1998, p. 102) This speaks that one’s access to narratives of memory is an opportunity to make sense of time; validating what the memory has for the society that possesses it. At the same time, the way one interact with these narrations of experience allow the existence of two paradigms regarding time: the past and the present. It is undeniable that memories are about the past but the lessons these memories possess are crucial to how one’s perception of the contemporary world come into play. Some ethnography can show how the past memories have a huge impact on the way of life in the present. Nadia Abu El – Haj archaeological practices shows some decent connections between practices and histories. She asserts that knowledge and cultural possibilities can be synthesized by looking into how the practices are practiced and how histories are narrated, which can give a larger view on how culture of a particular constitutes a complex dynamic (Abu El – Haj 2001). This shows that histories of a particular group correspond into their objects that construct heritage. Analytically speaking, heritage of a certain group is a manifestation of the narratives that they make about themselves. These are the ones that can help further define their experiences and collective memories as a group. In connection with the premise of El – Haj, there is a specific case study by Slyomovics that shows the Israeli – Palestine cultures. Memory is a crucial element because the groups concerned are compiling their “collective memories of the past to document the lives of their villages” that can be a manifestation of a conscious effort to preserve and uphold their culture (Slyomovics 1998, p. xiii). It can be seen that this can also be an avenue for researchers to access the culture of those who really have the effort to save it or preserve it. This can lead to a possibility that cultures of these groups, which are oftentimes misunderstood, can now be studied critically and can be an avenue to challenge the generalizations and biases. However, there is also a need to be conscious about doing so, especially on the part of researchers, because there is still the tendency to malign the information that can further aggravate the view of other cultures. Aside from the said study, another study can also show how complex memories and social realties can be. Verdery studies the political lives of dead bodies, which shows how complicated the interaction of bodies and memories can become once culture is taken into account. Some of the cases that Verdery (1999) mentioned are the case of dictators Pol Pot of Cambodia and Marcos of the Philippines. Here, she projects that these bodies’ constituted narratives, whether of oppression or controversy since these bodies have created memories in the places where these bodies have resided (Verdery 1999). Their histories as persons, undeniably, have created memories for the people that can be considered unbearable and problematic. The memories of people have a huge impact on how they view the roles these people have had in their lives. Some of them are still carrying; possibly, the controversies and other unbearable experiences that made them look at these figures with harshness and loathing. People can learn from these experiences because some would definitely do not want to bring back to life such memories by safeguarding the present time. Inasmuch, there is also an intricate act to subjugate themselves to responsibilities of enacting the judgment of the majority. The people undeniably decided that the collective memories of the past must not be allowed to materialize again in the present because of the fear and violence associated with it. Conclusion In the end, it can be seen that memories have been remnants of the past that can only be a narrative for the present. It is something that cannot be undone but can be condoned. Vigilance comes on the part of the people to be conscious on preventing these memories from coming back to life. At the same time, there is a need to recognize as well the fact that memories can somehow have a different manifestation in the present but that does not mean that it will be entirely the same as the past. It can be dealt with accordingly because people have the consciousness to not let it happen again. It can be seen that narratives are considered social practices of people but has a huge stake in the culture. The narratives can be considered documents of cultural experiences: the narratives carry with them a certain degree of self – projection. It is a sensibility that is innate to the culture of origin. The memories truly belong to these people. On a more critical level, the memories are concerned with how people look at themselves and project it to others. These experiences, rooted on memories can be considered shared because of the emotions they carry but the context in which these memories are formed are not the same. Lastly, the real deal about memories is this: it is not really something that purely dwells in the past. Rather, memories are carried alongside time and passed on to generations. However, one must keep in mind the undeniable fact that what has happened in the past will always be in the past. It cannot be undone or reconfigured as one may aspire to. One must accept the fact that these memories happened because it cannot be controlled. These happened because the context or time says it so. However, one must look at memories not as burden but lessons to make one’s view of the present and on acting for the future critical and self – reflexive. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abu – El Haj, N., 2001. Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Territorial Self Fashioning in Israeli Society. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Anderson, B., 2006. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Bloch, M. E. F., 1998. How We Think They Think: Anthropological Approaches to Cognition, Memory and Literacy. Colorado: Westview Press. Cole, J., 2001. Forget Colonialism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Connerton, P., 1989. How Societies Remember. London: Cambridge University Press. Gellner, E., 1983. Nations and Nationalism: New Perspectives on the Past. Oxford: Blackwell. Halbwachs, M. 1992. On Collective Memory, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Slyomovics, S., 1998. The Object of Memory: Arab and Jew Narrate the Palestinian Village. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Smith, A., 1991. National Identity. London: Penguin Books. Verdery, K., 1999. The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist Change. New York: Columbia University Press. Read More
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